September 27, 1946
Telegram from Nikolai Novikov, Soviet Ambassador to the US, to the Soviet Leadership

1946 年 9 月 27 日
苏联驻美国大使尼古拉·诺维科夫致苏联领导人的电报

[Note at the bottom of the first page: “The orthography and style of the original have been preserved in the document.”]

[第1页底部注：“文件中保留了原文的正字法和风格。”]

Reflecting the imperialistic tendency of American monopoly capital, US foreign policy has been characterized in the postwar period by a desire for world domination*.
This is the real meaning of repeated statements by President Truman and other representatives of American ruling circles that the US has a right to world leadership [rukovodstvo].
All the forces of American diplomacy, the Army, Navy, and Air Force, industry, and science have been placed at the service of this policy.
With this objective in mind broad plans for expansion have been developed, to be realized both diplomatically and through the creation of a system of naval and air bases far from the US, an arms race, and the creation of newer and newer weapons.

* Emphasis here and from this point on indicates where V.M.Molotov underlined the original document.

美国外交政策反映了美国垄断资本的帝国主义倾向，在战后时期，其特点是渴望称霸世界*。
杜鲁门总统和其他美国统治阶层的代表反复声明美国有权领导世界 [rukovodstvo]，其真正含义就是如此。
美国外交、陆军、海军和空军、工业和科学的所有力量都为这一政策服务。
为了实现这一目标，制定了广泛的扩张计划，既要通过外交手段，也要通过建立远离美国的海军和空军基地系统、军备竞赛和制造越来越新的武器来实现。

* 此处及此后的强调表示 V.M.Molotov 在原始文件中划了下划线。

a)
US foreign policy is being pursued right now in a situation quite different from that which existed in the prewar period.

This situation does not completely match the expectations of those reactionary circles who hoped during the Second World War that they would be able to remain apart from the main battles in Europe and Asia for a long time.
Their expectation was that the United States of America, if it was not able to completely avoid participation in the war, would enter it only at the last moment when it might be able to influence its outcome without great effort, completely securing its own interests.
It was intended thereby that the main rivals of the US would be crushed in this war or to weakened to a great degree and that due to this circumstance the US would be the most powerful factor in deciding the main issues of the postwar world.
These expectations also were based on the assumption quite widespread in the US during the first period of the war that the Soviet Union, which had been attacked by German fascism in June 1941, would be weakened as a result of the war or even completely destroyed.

Reality has not borne out all the expectations of the American imperialists.

1.
a)
目前美国外交政策的实施环境与战前大不相同。

这种情况与那些反动派的期望并不完全相符，他们在第2次世界大战期间希望能够长期远离欧洲和亚洲的主要战场。
他们的期望是，如果美国不能完全避免参与战争，那么它只会在最后时刻参战，以便不费吹灰之力就能影响战争的结果，完全确保自己的利益。
他们希望美国的主要对手在这场战争中被击垮或被大大削弱，并希望美国能够因此成为决定战后世界主要问题的最有力因素。
这些期望也基于美国在战争初期普遍存在的假设，即苏联在 1941 年 6 月遭到德国法西斯主义的攻击后，将因战争而被削弱甚至被彻底摧毁。

现实并没有实现美帝国主义者的所有期望。

b)
The two main aggressor powers, fascist Germany and militarist Japan, at the same time the main rivals of the US both in the economic and in foreign policy fields, were defeated as a result of the war.
A third great power, Great Britain, having been dealt strong blows from the war, is now faced with enormous economic and political difficulties.
The political foundations of the British Empire have been noticeably undermined, in some cases having taken on the nature of a crisis, for example in India, Palestine, and Egypt.

Europe came out of the war with a thoroughly shattered economy, and the economic devastation which resulted during the war cannot soon be repaired.
All the countries of Europe and Asia are feeling an enormous need for consumer goods, industrial and transportation equipment, etc.
Such a situation opens up a vista for American monopoly capital of enormous deliveries of goods and the importation of capital to these countries, which would allow it [American monopoly capital] to be introduced into their economies.

The realization of this opportunity would mean a serious strengthening of the economic position of the US throughout the entire world and would be one of the stages in the path toward establishing American world supremacy.

b)
两大侵略国——法西斯德国和军国主义日本——同时也是美国在经济和外交领域的主要竞争对手——在战争中被击败。
第3个大国——英国——在战争中遭受了沉重打击，现在面临着巨大的经济和政治困难。
大英帝国的政治基础明显受到破坏，在某些情况下甚至呈现出危机的性质，例如在印度、巴勒斯坦和埃及。

欧洲在战争结束后经济彻底崩溃，战争期间造成的经济破坏无法很快得到修复。
欧洲和亚洲的所有国家都对消费品、工业和运输设备等有着巨大的需求。
这种情况为美国垄断资本提供了向这些国家大量交付商品和进口资本的机会，这将使它（美国垄断资本）能够进入这些国家的经济体。

这一机会的实现将意味着美国在整个世界的经济地位得到极大加强，并将成为美国建立世界霸权的阶段之一。

c)
On the other hand, the expectations of those American circles have not been justified which were based on the Soviet Union being destroyed during the war or coming out of it so weakened that it was forced to bow to the US for economic aid.
In this event it could have dictated such conditions which would provide the US with an opportunity to carry out its expansion in Europe and Asia without hindrance from the USSR.

In reality, in spite of all the economic difficulties of the postwar period associated with the enormous damage caused by the war and the German fascist occupation the Soviet Union continues to remain economically independent from the outside world and is restoring its economy by its own means.

In addition, at the present time the USSR has a considerably stronger international position than in the prewar period.
Thanks to the historic victories of Soviet arms the Soviet armed forces are on the territory of Germany and other former enemy countries, a guarantee that these countries will not be used again to attack the USSR.
As a result of their reorganization on democratic principles, in such former enemy countries as Bulgaria, Finland, Hungary, and Romania regimes have been created which have set themselves the task of strengthening and maintaining friendly relations with the Soviet Union.
In the Slavic countries - Poland, Czechoslovakia, and Yugoslavia - liberated by the Red Army or with its help, democratic regimes have also been created and are consolidating which maintain relations with the Soviet Union on the basis of friendship and mutual aid agreements.

The enormous relative importance of the USSR in international affairs in general and in European affairs in particular, the independence of its foreign policy, and the economic and political aid which it gives neighboring countries, both allies and former enemies, is leading to a growth in the influence of the Soviet Union in these countries and a continuing strengthening in them of democratic trends.

Such a situation in eastern and southeastern Europe cannot fail to be viewed by the American imperialists as an obstacle in the path of an expansionist American foreign policy.

c)
另一方面，美国那些圈子的期望并没有得到证实，他们期望苏联在战争期间被摧毁，或者在战后变得如此虚弱以至于被迫向美国屈服以获得经济援助。
在这种情况下，它本可以提出这样的条件，让美国有机会在欧洲和亚洲进行扩张，而不会受到苏联的阻碍。

事实上，尽管战后时期由于战争和德国法西斯占领造成的巨大破坏而面临种种经济困难，但苏联仍然保持着经济独立于外部世界，并正在用自己的手段恢复经济。

此外，目前苏联的国际地位比战前要强得多。
由于苏联军队的历史性胜利，苏联武装部队驻扎在德国和其他前敌国的领土上，这保证了这些国家不会再次被用来攻击苏联。
在按照民主原则进行改组后，保加利亚、芬兰、匈牙利和罗马尼亚等前敌对国家都建立了政权，并致力于加强和维持与苏联的友好关系。
在红军解放或在其帮助下解放的斯拉夫国家——波兰、捷克斯洛伐克和南斯拉夫，也建立了民主政权，并正在巩固这些政权，这些政权在友好互助协议的基础上与苏联保持关系。

苏联在国际事务中，特别是在欧洲事务中具有巨大的相对重要性，其外交政策独立，以及它向邻国（包括盟友和前敌人）提供的经济和政治援助，导致苏联在这些国家的影响力不断增强，民主趋势不断加强。

东欧和东南欧的这种情况，被美帝国主义者视为美国扩张主义外交政策道路上的障碍。

a)
Right now US foreign policy is not being determined by those circles of the Democratic Party which (as when Roosevelt was alive)
try to strengthen cooperation between the three great powers which composed the basis of the anti-Hitler coalition during the war.
When President Truman, a politically unstable person with certain conservative tendencies, came to power followed by the appointment of Byrnes as Secretary of State it meant the strengthening of the influence of the most reactionary circles of the Democratic Party on foreign policy.
The constantly increasing reactionary nature of US foreign policy, which as a consequence of this approached the policy advocated by the Republican Party, has created a foundation for close cooperation in this area between the extreme right wing of the Democratic Party and the Republican Party.
This cooperation of the two parties, formalized in both houses of Congress in the form of an unofficial bloc of reactionary Southern Democrats and the old guard of the Republicans headed by Vandenberg and Taft, is especially clearly demonstrated in the fact that in their statements about foreign policy issues the leaders of both parties are essentially advocating the same policy.
In Congress and at international conferences where as a rule prominent Republicans are represented in American delegations the latter actively support the foreign policy of the government, and often due to this the above [policy], moreover even in official statements of “bipartisan” foreign policy.

2.
a)
目前，美国的外交政策并不是由民主党内部的那些圈子决定的，他们（罗斯福在世时）试图加强三大国之间的合作，而这三大国在二战期间构成了反希特勒联盟的基础。
当政治上不稳定、具有一定保守倾向的杜鲁门总统上台，并随后任命伯恩斯为国务卿时，这意味着民主党内部最反动的圈子对外交政策的影响加强了。
美国外交政策的反动性质不断增强，因此与共和党所提倡的政策趋同，这为民主党极右翼与共和党在这一领域的密切合作奠定了基础。
两党的这种合作在国会两院以反动南方民主党人和以范登堡和塔夫脱为首的共和党老派组成的非官方联盟的形式正式化，尤其明显地体现在两党领导人在外交政策问题上的声明中基本上主张同一项政策。
在国会和国际会议上，美国代表团中通常会有著名的共和党人代表，这些代表团积极支持政府的外交政策，并且往往因此而支持上述政策，甚至在“两党”外交政策的官方声明中也是如此。

b)
At the same time the influence on foreign policy of the followers of the Roosevelt policy of cooperation with peaceloving powers has been sharply reduced.
The corresponding circles in the government, in Congress, and in the leadership of the Democratic Party are more and more being pushed to the background.
The differences in the area of foreign policy which exist between Wallace and Pepper supporters on the one hand and the partisans of the reactionary “bilateral” policy on the other were recently displayed with great bitterness in Wallace's speech which led to his resignation as Secretary of Commerce.
Wallace's resignation signifies the victory of the reactionary forces of the Democratic Party and the foreign policy which Byrnes is pursuing in cooperation with Vandenberg and Taft.

b)
与此同时，罗斯福与爱好和平的国家合作政策的追随者对外交政策的影响急剧下降。
政府、国会和民主党领导层中的相应圈子越来越被推到幕后。
华莱士和佩珀的支持者与反动“双边”政策的拥护者之间存在着外交政策方面的分歧，最近在华莱士的讲话中得到了极其激烈的体现，导致他辞去商务部长一职。
华莱士的辞职标志着民主党反动势力的胜利以及伯恩斯与范登堡和塔夫脱合作推行的外交政策的胜利。

The increase in peacetime military potential and the organization of a large number of naval and air bases both in the US and beyond its borders are clear indicators of the US desire to establish world domination.

For the first time in the country's history in the summer of 1946 Congress adopted a law to form a peacetime army not of volunteers but on the basis of universal military conscription.
The size of the Army, which is to reach 1 million men as of 1 July 1947, has been considerably increased.
At the end of the war the size of the US Navy was reduced quite insignificantly compared to wartime.
At the present time the US Navy occupies first place in the world, leaving the British Royal Navy far behind, not to mention other powers.

The colossal growth of expenditures for the Army and Navy, comprising $13 billion in the 1946-1947 budget (about 40% of the entire budget of $36 billion)
and is more than 10 times the corresponding expenditures in the 1938 budget, when it did not even reach $1 billion.

3.
和平时期军事潜力的增加以及在美国国内和国外建立大量海军和空军基地，清楚地表明了美国渴望建立世界霸权。

1946 年夏天，美国国会在历史上首次通过一项法律，组建一支由全民征兵而非志愿者组成的和平军队。
陆军规模已大大增加，到 1947 年 7 月 1 日将达到 100 万人。
战争结束时，美国海军的规模与战时相比微不足道。
目前，美国海军占据世界第1，远远领先于英国皇家海军，更不用说其他强国了。

陆军和海军的支出大幅增长，在1946-1947年预算中达到130亿美元（约占整个360亿美元预算的40％），是1938年预算相应支出的10倍以上，而1938年的预算甚至还不到10亿美元。

These enormous budget sums are being spent along with the maintenance of a large Army, Navy, and Air Force and also the creation of a vast system of naval and air bases in the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans.
According to available official plans, in the coming years 228 bases, support bases, and radio stations are to be built in the Atlantic Ocean and 258 in the Pacific Ocean.
The majority of these bases and support bases are located outside the United States.
The following bases exist or are to be built on islands in the Atlantic Ocean:
Newfoundland, Iceland, Cuba, Trinidad, Bermuda, the Bahamas, the Azores, and many others;
in the Pacific:
former Japanese mandated possessions - the Marianas, and the Caroline and Marshall Islands, Bonin, Ryukyu, the Philippines, the Galapagos Islands (which belong to Ecuador) .

The situating of American bases on islands often 10-12,000 kilometers from US territory and located on the other side of the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans clearly shows the aggressive nature of the strategic designs of the US Army and Navy.
The fact that the US Navy is studying the naval approaches to European shores in a concentrated manner is also confirmation of this.
During 1946 US Navy ships visited Norway, Denmark, Sweden, Turkey, and Greece with this purpose in mind.
In addition the US Navy constantly cruises the Mediterranean Sea.

All these facts clearly show that their armed forces are designed to play a decisive role in the realization of plans to establish American world domination.

这些巨额预算不仅用于维持庞大的陆军、海军和空军，还用于在大西洋和太平洋建立庞大的海军和空军基地系统。
根据现有的官方计划，未来几年将在大西洋建造 228 个基地、支援基地和广播电台，在太平洋建造 258 个。
这些基地和支援基地大部分位于美国境外。
以下基地位于大西洋岛屿上或即将建成：
纽芬兰、冰岛、古巴、特立尼达、百慕大、巴哈马、亚速尔群岛等；
太平洋：
前日本托管地 - 马里亚纳群岛、卡罗林群岛和马绍尔群岛、小笠原群岛、琉球群岛、菲律宾、加拉帕戈斯群岛（属于厄瓜多尔）。

美国基地通常设在距离美国领土 10-12,000 公里的岛屿上，位于大西洋和太平洋的另一边，这清楚地表明了美国陆军和海军战略设计的侵略性。
美国海军正在集中研究海军进出欧洲海岸的事实也证实了这一点。
1946 年，美国海军舰艇出于这一目的访问了挪威、丹麦、瑞典、土耳其和希腊。
此外，美国海军还不断巡航地中海。

所有这些事实清楚地表明，他们的武装部队旨在实现美国建立世界霸权的计划中发挥决定性作用。

a)
One of the stages in the establishment of American world domination is their agreement with Britain about a partial division of the world on the basis of mutual concessions.
The main lines of the clandestine agreement between the US and Britain about the division of the world, as the facts indicate, are that they have agreed that the United States include Japan and China in the sphere of its influence in the Far East whereas for its part the US has agreed not to hinder Britain in solving the Indian problem or the strengthening of [British] influence in Thailand and Indonesia.

4.
a)
美国确立世界霸权的阶段之一是与英国达成在相互让步的基础上对世界进行部分瓜分的协议。
事实表明，美英关于瓜分世界的秘密协议的主要内容是，它们同意美国将日本和中国纳入其在远东的势力范围，而美国则同意不妨碍英国解决印度问题或加强[英国]在泰国和印度尼西亚的影响力。

b)
in connection with this division at the present time the US is dominant in China and Japan without any interference from Britain.

American policy in China strives for its complete economic and political subordination to control by American monopoly capital.
In the pursuit of this policy the American government does not even stop at interference in the internal affairs of China.
At the present time there are more than 50,000 American soldiers in China.
In a number of cases US Marines have directly participated in combat operations against the people's liberation forces.
The so-called “mediation” mission of General Marshall is only a cover for actual interference in the internal affairs of China.

How far the policy of the American government has gone with respect to China is witnessed by the fact that it is now trying to exercise control over its army.
Recently the US government introduced a bill for congressional discussion concerning military aid to China which provides for the complete reorganization of the Chinese army, its training with the aid of American military instructors, and supply with American weapons and equipment.
An American consulting mission of Army and Navy officers will be sent to China in order to implement this program.

b)
与此种划分有关，目前美国在中国和日本占据主导地位，英国对此不加干涉。

美国对华政策力求使中国在经济和政治上完全服从于美国垄断资本的控制。
为推行这一政策，美国政府甚至不惜干涉中国内政。
目前，在中国驻有 50,000 多名美国士兵。
在许多情况下，美国海军陆战队直接参与了针对人民解放军的作战行动。
马歇尔将军所谓的“调停”任务只是对中国内政进行实际干涉的借口。

美国政府对华政策已经到了何种程度，可以从它现在试图控制其军队这一事实中看出。
最近，美国政府向国会提交了一项有关对华军事援助的法案，该法案规定彻底改组中国军队，在美国军事教官的帮助下进行训练，并提供美国武器和装备。
为实施这一计划，美国将派遣一个由陆军和海军军官组成的顾问团前往中国。

China is gradually being turned into a base of the American armed forces.
American air bases are situated throughout its entire territory.
Their main ones are located in Beijing, Qingdao, Tianjin, Nanking, Shanghai, Chengdu, Chongqing, and Kunming.
The main American Navy base in China is located in Qingdao.
The headquarters of the 7th Fleet is also located there.
In addition, more than 30,000 American Marines are concentrated in Qingdao and its outskirts.
The measures taken by the American Army in northern China show that it is calculating on remaining there for a long time.

In Japan, control is in the hands of the Americans in spite of the presence of the small contingent of American troops there.
Although British capital has substantial interests in the Japanese economy British foreign policy with respect to Japan is being pursued so as not to interfere with the Americans' penetration of the Japanese economy and the subordination to its influence.
In the Far East Commission in Washington and in the Allied Council in Tokyo the British representatives as a rule are in solidarity with American representatives who pursue this policy.

The measures of the American occupation authorities in the area of domestic policy and directed at supporting reactionary classes and groups which the US is counting on using in the struggle against the Soviet Union also encounter a sympathetic attitude from Britain.

中国正逐渐变成美国武装部队的基地。
美国空军基地遍布中国全境。
主要基地位于北京、青岛、天津、南京、上海、成都、重庆和昆明。
美国在中国的主要海军基地位于青岛。
第7舰队的总部也位于那里。
此外，3万多名美国海军陆战队员集中在青岛及其郊区。
美国陆军在中国北方采取的措施表明，它打算长期驻扎在那里。

在日本，尽管驻扎着一小支美国军队，但控制权仍在美国人手中。
尽管英国资本在日本经济中拥有重大利益，但英国对日本的外交政策是奉行不干涉美国对日本经济的渗透和对其影响的服从的政策。
在华盛顿的远东委员会和东京的盟军委员会中，英国代表通常与奉行这一政策的美国代表团结一致。

美国占领当局在国内政策方面采取的、旨在扶持反动阶级和集团的措施，并指望利用这些措施来反苏联，也遭到了英国的同情。

c)
A similar policy is also being pursued in the United States with respect to the British sphere of influence in the Far East.
The US recently halted its attempts which it had been making during the recent war to influence the solution of Indian problems.
Now there are often cases when the mainstream American press, which more or less reliably reflects official American government policy, speaks favorably of the British policy in India.
American foreign policy is also not hindering British troops from suppressing the national liberation movement in Indonesia together with the Dutch Army.
In addition, even instances are known of assistance from the United States to this British imperialist policy by sending American weapons and supplies to the British and Dutch troops in Indonesia, the sending of Dutch Navy sailors from the US, etc.

c)
美国也对英国在远东的势力范围采取了类似的政策。
美国最近停止了它在最近的战争中试图影响印度问题解决的企图。
现在，美国主流媒体经常对英国在印度的政策表示赞赏，这些媒体或多或少可靠地反映了美国政府的官方政策。
美国的外交政策也没有阻止英国军队与荷兰军队一起镇压印度尼西亚的民族解放运动。
此外，甚至有美国向驻印度尼西亚的英国和荷兰军队运送美国武器和物资、从美国派遣荷兰海军水兵等例子，为英国的这一帝国主义政策提供了帮助。

a)
If the division of the world in the Far East between the US and Britain can be considered a fait accompli then it cannot be said that a similar situation exists in the Mediterranean and the countries adjacent to it.
The facts rather say that such an agreement in the Middle East and Mediterranean region has not yet been reached.
The difficulty of an agreement between Britain and the US in this region is that British concessions to the United States in the Mediterranean would be fraught with serious consequences for the entire British Empire, for which it has exceptional strategic and economic importance.
Britain would not be averse to using the American armed forces and influence in this region, directing them to the north against the Soviet Union.
However, the United States is not interested in helping and supporting the British Empire in this point where it is vulnerable but in penetrating the Mediterranean and Middle East more thoroughly itself, which attracts them with its natural resources, primarily oil.

5.
a)
如果美国和英国在远东地区瓜分世界已成既成事实，那么地中海及其周边国家的情况就不能说也一样。
事实表明，中东和地中海地区尚未达成这样的协议。
英国和美国在该地区达成协议的困难在于，英国在地中海地区对美国的让步将对整个大英帝国产生严重后果，因为地中海对大英帝国具有特殊的战略和经济重要性。
英国并不反对利用美国在这一地区的武装力量和影响力，将其引导到北方对抗苏联。
然而，美国并不希望帮助和支持大英帝国在这个脆弱的地区，而是希望自己更彻底地渗透到地中海和中东，因为那里的自然资源，主要是石油，对美国很有吸引力。

b)
In recent years American capital has been being introduced into the economies of Middle Eastern countries quite intensively, particularly in the oil industry.
At the present time there are American oil concessions in all the Middle East countries which have sources of oil (Iraq, Bahrain, Kuwait, Egypt, and Saudi Arabia)
.
American capital, which first appeared in the Middle East oil industry only in 1927, now controls about 42% of the total proven reserves of the Middle East (less Iran) .Of the total proven reserves of 26.
8 billion barrels of oil 11 billion belong to US concessions.
In striving to guarantee the further development of its concessions in individual countries, which are often the largest (as is the case in Saudi Arabia, for example) , American oil companies are planning to build a trans-Arabian pipeline which is to pump oil from the American concession in Saudi Arabia and in other countries to the southeastern coast of the Mediterranean, ports in Palestine and Egypt.

In pursuing expansion in the Middle East American capital has British capital as its competition, which is stubbornly resisting this expansion.
The fierce nature of the competition between them is the main factor which prevents Britain and the United States from achieving an agreement about the division of spheres of influence in the Middle East, which might only take place at the expense of direct British interests in this region.

Palestine, where the US has recently displayed great interest, creating many difficulties for Britain, can be cited as an example of the quite sharp differences in US and British policy in the Middle East as is occurring in the case of the demand of the US government to allow 100,000 European Jews into Palestine.
American interest in Palestine, outwardly expressed in sympathy for the Zionist cause, actually only means that American capital is expecting to become rooted in the economy of Palestine by interfering in Palestinian affairs.
The choice of a Palestinian port as one of the terminal points of the American oil pipeline explains a lot about American foreign policy on the issue of Palestine.

b)
近年来，美国资本被大量引入中东国家的经济，特别是在石油工业领域。
目前，所有拥有石油资源的中东国家（伊拉克、巴林、科威特、埃及和沙特阿拉伯）都有美国石油特许权。
美国资本于 1927 年才首次进入中东石油工业，目前控制着中东已探明总储量的 42%（伊朗除外）。
在已探明的总储量 268 亿桶石油中，有 110 亿桶属于美国特许权。
为了确保其在个别国家（通常是最大的国家，例如沙特阿拉伯）的特许权进一步发展，美国石油公司正计划修建一条横跨阿拉伯的管道，将沙特阿拉伯和其他国家的美国特许权中的石油输送到地中海东南海岸、巴勒斯坦和埃及的港口。

美国资本在中东扩张时，英国资本是其竞争对手，而英国资本则顽固地抵制这种扩张。
两者之间激烈的竞争性质是阻止英国和美国就中东势力范围的划分达成协议的主要因素，而达成这一协议可能只能以牺牲英国在这一地区的直接利益为代价。

美国最近对巴勒斯坦表现出极大兴趣，给英国带来了许多困难，巴勒斯坦可以作为美国和英国在中东政策相当尖锐分歧的一个例子，例如美国政府要求允许 10 万欧洲犹太人进入巴勒斯坦。
美国对巴勒斯坦的兴趣表面上表现为对犹太复国主义事业的同情，实际上只是意味着美国资本希望通过干涉巴勒斯坦事务在巴勒斯坦经济中扎根。
选择巴勒斯坦港口作为美国石油管道的终点之一，在很大程度上解释了美国在巴勒斯坦问题上的外交政策。

c)
The lack of agreement between Britain and the US on the Middle East is also often displayed in the great activity of the US Navy in the eastern Mediterranean, which cannot fail to run counter to the main interests of the British Empire.
This activity of the US Navy is undoubtedly also in connection with American oil and other economic interests in the Middle East.

However, it ought to be borne in mind that such facts as the visit of the American battleship Missouri to the Black Sea Straits, the visit of an American fleet to Greece, and the great interest which American diplomacy shows in the problem of the Straits have a dual meaning.
On the one hand, it means that the US has decided to consolidate its position in the Mediterranean to support its interests in the countries of the Middle East and that it has chosen the Navy as the tool of this policy.
On the other hand, these facts are a military and political demonstration against the Soviet Union.
The strengthening of the US position in the Middle East and the creation of the conditions to base the US Navy at one or several places in the Mediterranean (Trieste, Palestine, Greece, Turkey)
will therefore mean the appearance of a new threat to the security of the southern regions of the Soviet Union.

c)
英美在中东问题上缺乏共识，这常常表现在美国海军在东地中海的大规模活动上，这必然违背大英帝国的主要利益。
美国海军的这种活动无疑也与美国在中东的石油和其他经济利益有关。

然而，应该记住，美国战舰密苏里号访问黑海海峡、美国舰队访问希腊以及美国外交对海峡问题表现出的极大兴趣等事实具有双重含义。
一方面，这意味着美国已决定巩固其在地中海的地位以支持其在中东国家的利益，并选择海军作为这一政策的工具。
另一方面，这些事实是对苏联的军事和政治示威。
因此，美国在中东地位的加强和为美国海军在地中海一处或几处地方（的里雅斯特、巴勒斯坦、希腊、土耳其）驻扎创造条件，将意味着对苏联南部地区安全的新威胁的出现。

a)
The US attitude toward Britain is determined by two circumstances.
On the one hand, the US views Britain as its greatest potential competitor and, on the other, Britain seems to view the United States as a possible ally.
The division of several regions of the world into American and British spheres of influence has created the possibility, if not to avoid competition between them, which is impossible, then at least of reducing it somewhat.
At the same time such a division makes it easier for them to achieve economic and political cooperation.

6.
a)
美国对英国的态度取决于两种情况。
一方面，美国将英国视为其最大的潜在竞争对手，另一方面，英国似乎将美国视为可能的盟友。
世界几个地区被划分为美国和英国的势力范围，这创造了可能性，即使不能避免它们之间的竞争（这是不可能的），至少也可以在一定程度上减少竞争。
同时，这种划分使它们更容易实现经济和政治合作。

b)
Britain needs American credits to reorganize its economy which was ruined by the war and it has been forced to make significant concessions to get them.
This is the importance of the loan which the US recently gave Britain.
With the help of the loan Britain will be able to strengthen its economy.
At the same time this loan opens the door for the penetration of American capital into the British Empire.
The narrow scope within which trade in the countries of the so-called sterling bloc has been found in recent years has been expanded at the present time and gives the Americans an opportunity to trade with British dominions, India, and the other countries of the sterling bloc (Egypt, Iraq, and Palestine) .

b)
英国需要美国贷款来重组其被战争摧毁的经济，它被迫做出重大让步才能获得这些贷款。
这就是美国最近给英国的贷款的重要性。
借助这笔贷款，英国将能够加强其经济。
同时，这笔贷款为美国资本进入大英帝国打开了大门。
近年来，所谓的英镑集团国家的贸易范围已经很窄，目前已经扩大，并为美国提供了与英国自治领、印度和其他英镑集团国家（埃及、伊拉克和巴勒斯坦）进行贸易的机会。

c)
The political support which the United States gives Britain is quite often manifested in the international events of the postwar period.
At recent international conferences the US and Britain have closely coordinated their policies, especially in those instances when it was necessary to oppose the policy of the Soviet Union.
The US gives Britain moral and political aid in its reactionary policy in Greece, India, and Indonesia.
Complete coordination of American and British policy can be observed with respect to the Slavic and other countries bordering the Soviet Union.
The most important American and British demarches in these countries after the war have had a quite similar and parallel nature.
American and British policy in the United Nations Security Council has the same features of coordination (especially in questions about Iran, Spain, Greece, the withdrawal of foreign troops from Syria and Lebanon, etc.) .

c）美国给予英国的政治支持常常表现在战后的国际事件中。
在最近的国际会议上，美国和英国密切协调了各自的政策，特别是在必须反对苏联政策的情况下。
美国在英国对希腊、印度和印度尼西亚的反动政策中给予了道义和政治上的援助。
在对斯拉夫国家和苏联邻国的其他国家方面，可以看到美国和英国政策的完全协调。
战后美国和英国在这些国家最重要的交涉具有相当相似和平行的性质。
美国和英国在联合国安理会的政策也具有同样的协调特点（特别是在有关伊朗、西班牙、希腊、外国军队从叙利亚和黎巴嫩撤军等问题上）。

d)
US ruling circles evidently have a sympathetic attitude toward the idea of a military alliance with Britain, but at the present time the matter has still not reached the point of concluding an official alliance.
Churchill's speech in Fulton [Missouri] calling for the conclusion of an Anglo-American military alliance in order to establish joint world domination was consequently not officially supported by Truman or Byrnes, although Truman indirectly sanctioned Churchill's call by his presence.

But if the US is not now seeking to conclude a military alliance with Britain then all the same in practice it supports the closest contact with it on military issues.
The Joint Anglo-American staff in Washington still continues to exist in spite of the fact that it has been over a year since the war ended.
Frequent personal contact between British and American military leaders also continues.
The recent trip of Field Marshal Montgomery to America is one indication of this contact.
It is characteristic that as a result of his meetings with American military leaders Montgomery said that the British Army would be patterned after the American model.
Cooperation is also being conducted between the navies of these two countries.
It is sufficient to mention in this connection the participation of the Royal Navy in the recent maneuvers of the American fleet in the Mediterranean and the participation of the US fleet in the North Sea this autumn.

d)
美国统治阶层显然对与英国结成军事同盟的想法持同情态度，但目前此事尚未达到缔结正式同盟的程度。
丘吉尔在富尔顿（密苏里州）发表演讲，呼吁缔结英美军事同盟，以建立共同的世界统治地位，因此杜鲁门或伯恩斯没有正式支持这一呼吁，尽管杜鲁门通过出席会议间接批准了丘吉尔的呼吁。

但是，如果美国现在不寻求与英国缔结军事同盟，那么在实践中，它仍然支持在军事问题上与英国保持最密切的联系。
尽管战争已经结束一年多，但华盛顿的英美联合参谋部仍然存在。
英国和美国军事领导人之间的频繁个人接触也在继续。
蒙哥马利元帅最近访问美国就是这种接触的一个迹象。
值得注意的是，蒙哥马利在与美国军事领导人会晤后表示，英国陆军将效仿美国模式。
两国海军之间也正在进行合作。
在这方面，只需提及皇家海军最近参与了美国舰队在地中海的演习，以及今年秋天美国舰队在北海的演习。

e)
In spite of the temporary achievement of agreements about very important issues, current relations between Britain and the United States are quite conflictive and cannot be long-term.

In many respects American economic aid holds a danger for Britain.
Not to mention that by virtue of receiving the loan Britain will fall into a certain economic dependence on the US from which it will not be easy to free itself, it ought to be kept in mind that the conditions created by the loan for the penetration of American capital into the British Empire might entail serious political consequences.
The countries in the British Empire or those dependent on it might reorient themselves to the United States under economic influence from powerful American capital, following the example of Canada in this respect, which is more and more escaping British influence and in the process orienting itself to the US.
The strengthening of the American position in the Far East might stimulate a similar process in Australia and New Zealand.
In the Arab countries of the Middle East which are trying to emancipate themselves from the British Empire there are also groups among the ruling classes which have no objection to trading with the United States.
It is entirely possible that it is the Middle East that will become the focal point of Anglo-American conflicts where the agreements currently reached between the US and Britain will be destroyed.

e)
尽管就一些非常重要的问题达成了暂时协议，但目前英美关系相当矛盾，不可能长期维持下去。

从许多方面来说，美国的经济援助对英国来说都是危险的。
更不用说，由于获得贷款，英国将陷入对美国的某种经济依赖，而摆脱这种依赖并非易事，还应该记住，贷款为美国资本进入大英帝国创造的条件可能会带来严重的政治后果。
大英帝国的国家或依赖大英帝国的国家可能会在强大的美国资本的经济影响下重新适应美国，效仿加拿大在这方面的做法，加拿大正越来越多地摆脱英国的影响，并在此过程中适应美国。
美国在远东地位的加强可能会刺激澳大利亚和新西兰的类似进程。
在试图摆脱大英帝国的中东阿拉伯国家中，统治阶级中也有一些人不反对与美国进行贸易。
中东完全有可能成为英美冲突的焦点，美英之间目前达成的协议将被破坏。

a)
The “hard-line” policy with respect to the USSR proclaimed by Byrnes after the rapprochement between reactionary Democrats and the Republicans is right now the main impediment in the way to cooperation between the great powers.
It is mainly that in the postwar period the US has no longer been pursuing a policy of strengthening the cooperation of the Big Three (or Four)
and, on the contrary, is trying to undermine the unity of these powers.
The goal which is being set in the process is to impose the will of other countries on the Soviet Union.
The attempt being made by several powers to undermine or completely eliminate the veto principle in the United Nations Security Council with the blessing of the United States is a move in this direction.
This would give the United States an opportunity to create narrow groups and blocs among the great powers directed primarily against the Soviet Union and thereby split the united front of the United Nations.
The renunciation of the veto by the great powers would turn the United Nations into an Anglo-American private domain in which the United States would have the leading role.

7.
a)
民主党反动派与共和党和解后，伯恩斯宣布对苏联采取“强硬”政策，这是目前大国合作的主要障碍。
主要是因为，在战后时期，美国不再奉行加强三巨头（或四巨头）合作的政策，相反，它试图破坏这些大国的团结。
其目标是将其他国家的意志强加给苏联。
几个大国在美国的支持下试图破坏或完全取消联合国安理会的否决权，就是朝着这个方向迈出的一步。
这将使美国有机会在大国之间建立主要针对苏联的狭隘集团和集团，从而分裂联合国的统一战线。
大国放弃否决权将使联合国成为英美私人领域，美国将在其中发挥主导作用。

b)
The current policy of the American government with respect to the USSR is also directed at limiting or displacing Soviet influence from neighboring countries.
While implementing it the US is trying to take steps at various international conferences or directly in these very same countries which, on the one hand, manifest themselves in the support of reactionary forces in former enemy or allied countries bordering the USSR with the object of creating obstacles to the processes of democratizing these countries but, on the other, in providing positions for the penetration of American capital into their economies.
Such a policy relies on weakening and disbanding [razlozhit'] the democratic governments in power there which are friendly to the USSR and then replacing them with new governments which would obediently carry out a policy dictated from the US.
In this policy the US receives full support from British diplomacy.

b)
美国政府目前对苏联的政策也旨在限制或取代苏联对邻国的影响。
在实施这一政策的同时，美国试图在各种国际会议上或直接在这些国家采取措施，一方面，支持苏联前敌国或盟国的反动势力，以阻碍这些国家的民主化进程，另一方面，为美国资本渗透到这些国家的经济提供阵地。
这种政策依赖于削弱和解散对苏联友好的民主政府，然后用新政府取而代之，这些新政府会乖乖地执行美国制定的政策。
美国在这一政策上得到了英国外交的全力支持。

c)
One of the most important links of overall US policy directed at limiting the international role of the USSR in the postwar world is policy with regard to Germany.
The US is taking steps in Germany with special persistence to strengthen reactionary forces in order to counteract democratic restructuring, accompanied by completely insufficient steps regarding demilitarization.

American occupation policy is not setting as its goal the elimination of the remnants of German fascism and the reorganization of German political life on democratic principles in order that Germany ceases to be an aggressive force.
The US is not taking steps to eliminate the monopolistic associations of German industrialists on which German fascism relied in preparing aggression and waging war.
An agrarian policy with the elimination of large landholders who were formerly a reliable bulwark of fascism is also not being pursued.
Moreover, the US is providing for the possibility of ending the Allied occupation of German territory even before the main tasks of the occupation, consisting of the demilitarization and democratization of Germany, are finished.
The preconditions would thereby be created for a revival of an imperialist Germany which the US is counting on using on its side in a future war.
One cannot fail to see that such a policy has a clearly defined anti-Soviet focus and represents a serious danger to the cause of peace.

c)
美国旨在限制苏联在战后世界的国际作用的总体政策中，最重要的环节之一是对德国的政策。
美国在德国采取特别坚定的措施，加强反动势力，以抵制民主改革，同时在非军事化方面采取完全不够的措施。

美国占领政策的目标不是消灭德国法西斯主义的残余，按照民主原则重组德国的政治生活，使德国不再成为一支侵略性力量。
美国没有采取措施消灭德国工业家的垄断协会，而德国法西斯主义正是依靠这些协会准备侵略和发动战争。
美国也没有推行消灭大地主的农业政策，而大地主曾是法西斯主义的可靠堡垒。
此外，美国甚至在占领的主要任务（包括德国的非军事化和民主化）完成之前就准备结束盟军对德国领土的占领。
由此将为帝国主义德国的复活创造先决条件，而美国正指望在未来的战争中利用这个先决条件。
人们不能不看到，这样的政策具有明确的反苏重点，对和平事业构成了严重威胁。

d)
The numerous statements by American government, political, and military leaders about the Soviet Union and its foreign policy in an exceptionally hostile spirit are quite typical of the current attitude of American ruling circles toward the USSR.
These statements are echoed in an ever more unbridled tone by the overwhelming majority of the American press.
Discussions about a “third war”, meaning a war against the Soviet Union, even a direct call for this war with a threat to use the atomic bomb, this is the substance of statements about relations with the Soviet Union by reactionaries at public meetings and in the press.
At the present time the advocacy of a war against the Soviet Union is not just the monopoly of the extreme right and the yellow American press which is represented by the Hearst and McCormick newspaper syndicates.
This anti-Soviet campaign also includes such more “serious” and “respectable” publications of the conservative press like the New York Times and New York Herald Tribune.
The numerous articles by Walter Lippmann in which he almost undisguisedly calls on the US to launch a strike on the Soviet Union in the most vulnerable places of the south and southeast of the USSR are characteristic of such publications of the conservative press.

The primary goal of this anti-Soviet campaign of American “public opinion” consists of exerting political pressure on the Soviet Union and forcing it to make concessions.
Another, no less important goal of the campaign is a desire to create an atmosphere of a fear of war among the broad masses who are tired of war, which would make it easier for the government to take steps to maintain the great military potential in the US.
It is in such an atmosphere that the law was passed in Congress about introducing peacetime military conscription, an enormous military budget was adopted, and plans are being developed to build a far-flung system of naval and air bases.

d)
美国政府、政治和军事领导人对苏联及其外交政策发表的大量声明，带有极其敌视的态度，这是美国统治阶层目前对苏联态度的典型代表。
这些声明得到了美国绝大多数媒体越来越肆无忌惮的附和。
关于“第3次战争”的讨论，即对苏联的战争，甚至直接呼吁这场战争，并威胁使用原子弹，这就是反动派在公开会议和媒体上关于与苏联关系的声明的内容。
目前，对苏联开战的主张不仅仅是极右翼和以赫斯特和麦考密克报业集团为代表的美国黄色媒体的垄断。
这场反苏运动还包括保守派媒体更“严肃”和“体面”的出版物，如《纽约时报》和《纽约先驱论坛报》。
沃尔特·李普曼的众多文章几乎毫不掩饰地呼吁美国在苏联南部和东南部最脆弱的地方对苏联发动打击，这是保守派媒体此类出版物的典型特征。

美国“舆论”反苏运动的主要目标是对苏联施加政治压力，迫使其作出让步。
该运动的另一个同样重要的目标是希望在厌倦战争的广大群众中营造一种对战争的恐惧氛围，这将使政府更容易采取措施保持美国巨大的军事潜力。
正是在这样的氛围中，国会通过了关于引入和平时期征兵的法律，通过了巨额军事预算，并正在制定建立广泛海军和空军基地系统的计划。

e)
All these steps to preserve the great military potential are not an end in itself, of course.
They are intended only to prepare conditions to win world domination in a new war being planned by the most warlike circles of American imperialism, the timeframe for which, needless to say, no one can determine right now.

It ought to be fully realized that American preparations for a future war are being conducted with the idea of war against the Soviet Union, which in the eyes of American imperialists is the chief obstacle in the American path to world domination.
Such facts as the tactical training of the US Army for war with the USSR as a future enemy, the situating of American strategic bases in regions from which strikes can be launched on Soviet territory, the intensified training and reinforcement of Arctic regions as tactical approaches to the USSR, and attempts to pave the way in Germany and Japan to use them in a war against the USSR testify to this.

e)
当然，所有这些保持巨大军事潜力的措施本身并不是目的。
它们的目的只是为在美帝国主义最好战的圈子正在策划的新战争中赢得世界霸权做好准备，而这场战争的具体时间，现在当然没有人能够确定。

应该充分认识到，美国为未来战争所做的准备是与苏联开战，而苏联在美国帝国主义者眼中是美国走向世界霸权的主要障碍。
美国陆军为与未来敌人苏联作战进行战术训练，在可以对苏联领土发动打击的地区设立美国战略基地，加强对北极地区的训练和增援，将其作为接近苏联的战术途径，并试图在德国和日本铺平道路，以利用这些地区对苏联发动战争，这些事实都证明了这一点。

27.09.46 NOVIKOV

1946 年 9 月 27 日 诺维科夫

Soviet Ambassador to the US, Nikolai Novikov, describes the advent of a more assertive US foreign policy.
Novikov cautions the Soviet leadership that the Truman administration is bent on imposing US political, military and economic domination around the world.
This telegram has, since its discovery in the Russian archives, been labelled the Soviet equivalent of US Ambassador to the Soviet Union George Kennan's “Long telegram.”

苏联驻美国大使尼古拉·诺维科夫描述了美国更加强硬的外交政策的出现。
诺维科夫警告苏联领导层，杜鲁门政府一心想在世界范围内强加美国的政治、军事和经济统治。
自从在俄罗斯档案中发现这封电报以来，它就被称为苏联版的美国驻苏联大使乔治·凯南的“长电报”。