丘吉尔
1946 年 3 月 5 日
密苏里州富尔顿威斯敏斯特学院

I am glad to come to Westminster College this afternoon, and am complimented that you should give me a degree. The name “Westminster” is somehow familiar to me.
I seem to have heard of it before.

我很高兴今天下午来到威斯敏斯特学院，并很荣幸您授予我学位。
“威斯敏斯特”这个名字对我来说有点熟悉。
我似乎以前听说过。

Indeed, it was at Westminster that I received a very large part of my education in politics, dialectic, rhetoric, and one or two other things. In fact we have both been educated at the same, or similar, or, at any rate, kindred establishments.

事实上，我在威斯敏斯特接受了很大一部分政治、辩证法、修辞学和其他一两门学科的教育。
事实上，我们都在相同、类似或至少类似的机构接受教育。

It is also an honour, perhaps almost unique, for a private visitor to be introduced to an academic audience by the President of the United States. Amid his heavy burdens, duties, and responsibilities-unsought but not recoiled from-the President has travelled a thousand miles to dignify and magnify our meeting here to-day and to give me an opportunity of addressing this kindred nation, as well as my own countrymen across the ocean, and perhaps some other countries too. The President has told you that it is his wish, as I am sure it is yours, that I should have full liberty to give my true and faithful counsel in these anxious and baffling times. I shall certainly avail myself of this freedom, and feel the more right to do so because any private ambitions I may have cherished in my younger days have been satisfied beyond my wildest dreams. Let me, however, make it clear that I have no official mission or status of any kind, and that I speak only for myself. There is nothing here but what you see.

一位私人访客被美国总统介绍给学术界听众，这也是一种荣誉，也许几乎是独一无二的。
总统肩负着沉重的负担、职责和责任——虽然他没有主动要求，但也没有退缩——不远万里前来参加今天的会议，使会议更加隆重和精彩，也让我有机会向这个同胞国家以及大洋彼岸的同胞，也许还有其他一些国家发表演讲。
总统告诉你们，他希望，我相信你们也希望，在这个令人焦虑和困惑的时代，我能充分自由地给出我真实而忠实的建议。
我一定会利用这种自由，而且我更觉得这样做是正确的，因为我年轻时可能怀有的任何私人抱负都得到了我做梦都想不到的满足。
不过，我要明确表示，我没有任何官方使命或地位，我只代表我自己发言。
这里除了你们看到的之外什么都没有。

I can therefore allow my mind, with the experience of a lifetime, to play over the problems which beset us on the morrow of our absolute victory in arms, and to try to make sure with what strength I have that what has been gained with so much sacrifice and suffering shall be preserved for the future glory and safety of mankind.

因此，我可以以一生的经验，来思考我们在武装绝对胜利的第2天所面临的问题，并尽我所能，确保经过如此多的牺牲和苦难所获得的一切，能够为了人类未来的荣耀和安全而得以保存。

The United States stands at this time at the pinnacle of world power. It is a solemn moment for the American Democracy. For with primacy in power is also joined an awe inspiring accountability to the future. If you look around you, you must feel not only the sense of duty done but also you must feel anxiety lest you fall below the level of achievement. Opportunity is here now, clear and shining for both our countries. To reject it or ignore it or fritter it away will bring upon us all the long reproaches of the after-time. It is necessary that constancy of mind, persistency of purpose, and the grand simplicity of decision shall guide and rule the conduct of the English-speaking peoples in peace as they did in war. We must, and I believe we shall, prove ourselves equal to this severe requirement.

此时，美国正站在世界强国的顶峰。
这是美国民主的庄严时刻。
因为掌握权力的同时，也伴随着对未来令人敬畏的责任。
如果你环顾四周，你不仅会感到尽责，而且会感到焦虑，唯恐自己未能取得成就。
机会就在眼前，对我们两国来说都是光明灿烂的。
拒绝、忽视或浪费机会，将使我们在后世遭受长期的责难。
英语民族在和平时期的行为必须以坚定的思想、坚持不懈的目标和简单明了的决策为准则，就像他们在战争时期所做的那样。
我们必须证明自己能够满足这一严峻的要求，我相信我们一定能做到。

When American military men approach some serious situation they are wont to write at the head of their directive the words “over-all strategic concept.” There is wisdom in this, as it leads to clarity of thought. What then is the over-all strategic concept which we should inscribe today? It is nothing less than the safety and welfare, the freedom and progress, of all the homes and families of all the men and women in all the lands. And here I speak particularly of the myriad cottage or apartment homes where the wage-earner strives amid the accidents and difficulties of life to guard his wife and children from privation and bring the family up in the fear of the Lord, or upon ethical conceptions which often play their potent part.

当美国军人面临某种严重局势时，他们习惯于在指令的开头写上“总体战略概念”几个字。
这很有智慧，因为它能使思路清晰。
那么，我们今天应该铭刻的总体战略概念是什么呢？它就是全世界所有男人和女人的所有家庭和家人的安全和福利、自由和进步。
在这里，我特别指的是无数的小屋或公寓，在那里，工薪阶层在生活中的意外和困难中努力保护妻子和孩子免于贫困，并在对上帝的敬畏中或经常发挥重要作用的道德观念下抚养家庭。

To give security to these countless homes, they must be shielded from the two giant marauders, war and tyranny. We all know the frightful disturbances in which the ordinary family is plunged when the curse of war swoops down upon the bread-winner and those for whom he works and contrives. The awful ruin of Europe, with all its vanished glories, and of large parts of Asia glares us in the eyes. When the designs of wicked men or the aggressive urge of mighty States dissolve over large areas the frame of civilised society, humble folk are confronted with difficulties with which they cannot cope. For them all is distorted, all is broken, even ground to pulp.

为了给无数家庭提供安全保障，必须保护他们免受两大掠夺者——战争和暴政的侵害。
我们都知道，当战争的诅咒降临到养家糊口的人和他为之工作和谋生的人身上时，普通家庭会陷入可怕的混乱之中。
欧洲及其所有辉煌都已消失，亚洲大部分地区也惨遭毁灭，这让我们目瞪口呆。
当恶人的阴谋或强国的侵略冲动在广大地区瓦解文明社会的框架时，普通民众面临着他们无法应对的困难。
对他们来说，一切都被扭曲了，一切都被破坏了，甚至地面都变成了泥浆。

When I stand here this quiet afternoon I shudder to visualise what is actually happening to millions now and what is going to happen in this period when famine stalks the earth. None can compute what has been called “the unestimated sum of human pain.” Our supreme task and duty is to guard the homes of the common people from the horrors and miseries of another war. We are all agreed on that.

当我在这个宁静的下午站在这里时，一想到现在数百万人正在经历什么，以及在饥荒肆虐地球的这个时期将会发生什么，我就不寒而栗。
没有人能够计算出所谓的“人类痛苦的不可估量的总和”。
我们的最高任务和职责是保护普通民众的家园免受另一场战争的恐怖和苦难。
我们都同意这一点。

Our American military colleagues, after having proclaimed their “over-all strategic concept” and computed available resources, always proceed to the next step-namely, the method. Here again there is widespread agreement. A world organisation has already been erected for the prime purpose of preventing war, UNO, the successor of the League of Nations, with the decisive addition of the United States and all that that means, is already at work. We must make sure that its work is fruitful, that it is a reality and not a sham, that it is a force for action, and not merely a frothing of words, that it is a true temple of peace in which the shields of many nations can some day be hung up, and not merely a cockpit in a Tower of Babel. Before we cast away the solid assurances of national armaments for self-preservation we must be certain that our temple is built, not upon shifting sands or quagmires, but upon the rock. Anyone can see with his eyes open that our path will be difficult and also long, but if we persevere together as we did in the two world wars-though not, alas, in the interval between them-I cannot doubt that we shall achieve our common purpose in the end.

我们的美国军事同僚在宣布了他们的“总体战略概念”并估算了可用的资源之后，总是会进入下一步，即方法。
在这方面，大家也达成了广泛的共识。
一个世界组织已经建立起来，其主要目的是防止战争，联合国是国际联盟的继承者，随着美国的加入，它已经投入工作。
我们必须确保它的工作富有成效，它是现实而不是虚伪，它是行动的力量，而不仅仅是空谈，它是真正的和平殿堂，许多国家的盾牌有一天可以挂在其中，而不仅仅是巴别塔的驾驶舱。
在我们抛弃国家军备自卫的坚实保证之前，我们必须确保我们的殿堂不是建在流沙或泥潭上，而是建在岩石上。
任何人只要睁开眼睛就能看出来，我们的道路将是艰难而漫长的，但是，如果我们能够像在两次世界大战期间那样共同坚持下去——尽管遗憾的是，在两次世界大战之间却没有坚持下去——我相信，我们最终将实现我们的共同目标。

I have, however, a definite and practical proposal to make for action. Courts and magistrates may be set up but they cannot function without sheriffs and constables. The United Nations Organisation must immediately begin to be equipped with an international armed force. In such a matter we can only go step by step, but we must begin now. I propose that each of the Powers and States should be invited to delegate a certain number of air squadrons to the service of the world organisation. These squadrons would be trained and prepared in their own countries, but would move around in rotation from one country to another. They would wear the uniform of their own countries but with different badges. They would not be required to act against their own nation, but in other respects they would be directed by the world organisation. This might be started on a modest scale and would grow as confidence grew. I wished to see this done after the First World War, and I devoutly trust it may be done forthwith.

然而，我有一个明确而切实可行的行动建议。
法院和治安官可以设立，但没有治安官和警察，它们就无法运作。
联合国组织必须立即开始配备国际武装部队。
在这方面，我们只能一步一步来，但我们必须现在就开始。
我建议，应邀请每个大国和国家派出一定数量的空军中队为世界组织服务。
这些中队将在自己的国家接受训练和准备，但将轮流从一个国家调往另一个国家。
他们将穿着自己国家的制服，但佩戴不同的徽章。
他们不需要对自己的国家采取行动，但在其他方面，他们将由世界组织指挥。
这可能从小规模开始，随着信心的增长而扩大。
我希望在第1次世界大战后看到这一点，我虔诚地相信它可以立即实现。

It would nevertheless be wrong and imprudent to entrust the secret knowledge or experience of the atomic bomb, which the United States, Great Britain, and Canada now share, to the world organisation, while it is still in its infancy. It would be criminal madness to cast it adrift in this still agitated and un-united world. No one in any country has slept less well in their beds because this knowledge and the method and the raw materials to apply it, are at present largely retained in American hands. I do not believe we should all have slept so soundly had the positions been reversed and if some Communist or neo-Fascist State monopolised for the time being these dread agencies. The fear of them alone might easily have been used to enforce totalitarian systems upon the free democratic world, with consequences appalling to human imagination. God has willed that this shall not be and we have at least a breathing space to set our house in order before this peril has to be encountered: and even then, if no effort is spared, we should still possess So formidable a superiority as to impose effective deterrents upon its employment, or threat of employment, by others. Ultimately, when the essential brotherhood of man is truly embodied and expressed in a world organisation with all the necessary practical safeguards to make it effective, these powers would naturally be confided to that world organisation.

然而，将美国、英国和加拿大目前共享的原子弹秘密知识或经验委托给尚处于起步阶段的世界组织，是错误和轻率的。
在这个仍然动荡不安、不团结的世界中，将其置于无助之中，将是犯罪的疯狂行为。
目前，没有哪个国家的任何人因为这些知识、方法和原材料大部分掌握在美国手中而睡得不好。
如果情况发生逆转，如果某个共产主义或新法西斯主义国家暂时垄断了这些可怕的机构，我相信我们不会睡得这么香。
单单是对这些机构的恐惧就可能很容易被用来在自由民主世界推行极权主义制度，其后果令人震惊。
上帝不希望这种情况发生，在面临这种危险之前，我们至少还有喘息的时间整理好我们的家园：即使到了那时，如果不遗余力，我们仍然拥有如此强大的优势，可以对其他人的使用或威胁使用施加有效的威慑。
最终，当人类的基本兄弟情谊真正体现在一个世界组织中，并拥有使其有效运作的所有必要的实际保障措施时，这些权力自然会托付给这个世界组织。

Now I come to the second danger of these two marauders which threatens the cottage, the home, and the ordinary people-namely, tyranny. We cannot be blind to the fact that the liberties enjoyed by individual citizens throughout the British Empire are not valid in a considerable number of countries, some of which are very powerful. In these States control is enforced upon the common people by various kinds of all-embracing police governments. The power of the State is exercised without restraint, either by dictators or by compact oligarchies operating through a privileged party and a political police. It is not our duty at this time when difficulties are so numerous to interfere forcibly in the internal affairs of countries which we have not conquered in war. But we must never cease to proclaim in fearless tones the great principles of freedom and the rights of man which are the joint inheritance of the English-speaking world and which through Magna Carta, the Bill of Rights, the Habeas Corpus, trial by jury, and the English common law find their most famous expression in the American Declaration of Independence.

现在我要谈谈这两个强盗的第2个危险，它威胁着农舍、家庭和普通民众，即暴政。
我们不能忽视这样一个事实：大英帝国各地公民享有的自由在相当多的国家中并不存在，其中一些国家非常强大。
在这些国家，各种包罗万象的警察政府对普通民众实施控制。
国家权力不受约束地行使，要么由独裁者，要么由通过特权政党和政治警察运作的紧密寡头统治。
在困难重重的时候，我们没有义务用武力干涉我们尚未通过战争征服的国家的内政。
但是，我们决不能停止以无畏的声调宣扬自由和人权的伟大原则，这些原则是英语世界的共同遗产，并通过大宪章、权利法案、人身保护令、陪审团审判和英国普通法在美国独立宣言中得到了最著名的体现。

All this means that the people of any country have the right, and should have the power by constitutional action, by free unfettered elections, with secret ballot, to choose or change the character or form of government under which they dwell; that freedom of speech and thought should reign; that courts of justice, independent of the executive, unbiased by any party, should administer laws which have received the broad assent of large majorities or are consecrated by time and custom. Here are the title deeds of freedom which should lie in every cottage home. Here is the message of the British and American peoples to mankind. Let us preach what we practise – let us practise what we preach.

所有这些意味着，任何国家的人民都有权，也应该有权通过宪法行动，通过自由、不受约束的选举和秘密投票，选择或改变他们所居住的政府的性质或形式；言论和思想自由应该占主导地位；独立于行政机构、不受任何党派偏见的法院应该执行得到大多数人广泛同意或历久弥新的法律。
这是自由的地契，应该放在每个小屋里。
这是英国和美国人民向人类传达的信息。
让我们言行一致——让我们言行一致。

I have now stated the two great dangers which menace the homes of the people: War and Tyranny. I have not yet spoken of poverty and privation which are in many cases the prevailing anxiety. But if the dangers of war and tyranny are removed, there is no doubt that science and co-operation can bring in the next few years to the world, certainly in the next few decades newly taught in the sharpening school of war, an expansion of material well-being beyond anything that has yet occurred in human experience. Now, at this sad and breathless moment, we are plunged in the hunger and distress which are the aftermath of our stupendous struggle; but this will pass and may pass quickly, and there is no reason except human folly or sub-human crime which should deny to all the nations the inauguration and enjoyment of an age of plenty. I have often used words which I learned fifty years ago from a great Irish-American orator, a friend of mine, Mr. Bourke Cockran. “There is enough for all. The earth is a generous mother; she will provide in plentiful abundance food for all her children if they will but cultivate her soil in justice and in peace.” So far I feel that we are in full agreement.

我已经阐述了威胁人民家园的两大危险：战争和暴政。
我还没有谈到贫穷和匮乏，在许多情况下，贫穷和匮乏是普遍存在的焦虑。
但是，如果消除了战争和暴政的危险，毫无疑问，在未来几年，当然是在未来几十年，科学与合作将为世界带来物质福祉的扩展，这是战争这所磨练出来的学校新近教授的，超越人类历史上任何事物的扩展。
现在，在这个悲伤而令人窒息的时刻，我们陷入了饥饿和痛苦之中，这是我们艰苦奋斗的后果；但这一切都会过去，而且可能很快就会过去，除了人类的愚蠢或非人类的罪行之外，没有任何理由可以阻止所有国家开启和享受一个富足的时代。
我经常引用五十年前从一位伟大的爱尔兰裔美国演说家，我的朋友伯克·科克兰先生那里学到的话。
“人人都有足够的东西。
地球是一位慷慨的母亲；她将为她的所有孩子提供充足的食物，只要他们愿意在公正与和平中耕种她的土地。”
到目前为止，我觉得我们完全同意。

Now, while still pursuing the method of realising our overall strategic concept, I come to the crux of what I have travelled here to Say. Neither the sure prevention of war, nor the continuous rise of world organisation will be gained without what I have called the fraternal association of the English-speaking peoples. This means a special relationship between the British Commonwealth and Empire and the United States. This is no time for generalities, and I will venture to be precise. Fraternal association requires not only the growing friendship and mutual understanding between our two vast but kindred Systems of society, but the continuance of the intimate relationship between our military advisers, leading to common study of potential dangers, the similarity of weapons and manuals of instructions, and to the interchange of officers and cadets at technical colleges. It should carry with it the continuance of the present facilities for mutual security by the joint use of all Naval and Air Force bases in the possession of either country all over the world. This would perhaps double the mobility of the American Navy and Air Force. It would greatly expand that of the British Empire Forces and it might well lead, if and as the world calms down, to important financial savings. Already we use together a large number of islands; more may well be entrusted to our joint care in the near future.

现在，在继续探讨实现我们总体战略概念的方法的同时，我来谈谈我此行所要表达的核心。
如果没有我所说的英语民族之间的兄弟般的联合，那么战争的预防和世界组织的不断崛起都是不可能的。
这意味着英联邦和英帝国与美国之间的特殊关系。
现在不是泛泛而谈的时候，我敢说得准确些。
兄弟般的联合不仅要求我们两个庞大但相似的社会体系之间日益加深的友谊和相互理解，而且要求我们军事顾问之间保持密切的关系，共同研究潜在的危险、武器和指导手册的相似性，以及技术学院军官和学员的交流。
它应该继续提供现有的相互安全设施，即联合使用两国在世界各地拥有的所有海军和空军基地。
这也许会使美国海军和空军的机动性增加一倍。
这将大大增强大英帝国军队的实力，如果世界局势平静下来，这很可能带来重大的财政节省。
我们已经共同使用了大量岛屿；在不久的将来，可能会有更多的岛屿交由我们共同管理。

The United States has already a Permanent Defence Agreement with the Do-minion of Canada, which is so devotedly attached to the British Commonwealth and Empire. This Agreement is more effective than many of those which have often been made under formal alliances. This principle should be extended to all British Commonwealths with full reciprocity. Thus, whatever happens, and thus only, shall we be secure ourselves and able to work together for the high and simple causes that are dear to us and bode no ill to any. Eventually there may come-I feel eventually there will come-the principle of common citizenship, but that we may be content to leave to destiny, whose outstretched arm many of us can already clearly see.

美国已经与加拿大自治领签订了永久防御协议，加拿大自治领与英联邦和帝国关系十分密切。
这项协议比许多在正式联盟下签订的协议更为有效。
这一原则应在完全互惠的基础上扩展到所有英联邦。
因此，无论发生什么，也只有这样，我们才能确保自身安全，并能够为了我们珍视的、对任何人都无害的崇高而简单的事业而共同努力。
最终可能会出现——我认为最终会出现——共同公民权的原则，但我们可能乐意将其留给命运，我们中的许多人已经清楚地看到了命运伸出的手臂。

There is however an important question we must ask ourselves. Would a special relationship between the United States and the British Commonwealth be inconsistent with our over-riding loyalties to the World Organisation? I reply that, on the contrary, it is probably the only means by which that organisation will achieve its full stature and strength. There are already the special United States relations with Canada which I have just mentioned, and there are the special relations between the United States and the South American Republics. We British have our twenty years Treaty of Collaboration and Mutual Assistance with Soviet Russia. I agree with Mr. Bevin, the Foreign Secretary of Great Britain, that it might well be a fifty years Treaty so far as we are concerned. We aim at nothing but mutual assistance and collaboration. The British have an alliance with Portugal unbroken since 1384, and which produced fruitful results at critical moments in the late war. None of these clash with the general interest of a world agreement, or a world organisation; on the contrary they help it. “In my father’s house are many mansions.” Special associations between members of the United Nations which have no aggressive point against any other country, which harbour no design incompatible with the Charter of the United Nations, far from being harmful, are beneficial and, as I believe, indispensable.

然而，我们必须问自己一个重要问题。
美国和英联邦之间的特殊关系是否与我们对世界组织的绝对忠诚相矛盾？我的回答是，恰恰相反，这可能是该组织实现其全部地位和实力的唯一途径。
我刚才提到，美国与加拿大之间已经有了特殊关系，美国与南美共和国之间也有特殊关系。
我们英国人与苏维埃俄罗斯签订了 20 年的合作与互助条约。
我同意英国外交大臣贝文先生的观点，就我们而言，这很可能是一个 50 年的条约。
我们只追求互助和合作。
英国与葡萄牙的联盟自 1384 年以来一直没有中断，并在最近的战争的关键时刻取得了丰硕的成果。
这些都不与世界协议或世界组织的总体利益相冲突；相反，它们对它有帮助。
“在我父亲的家里有许多豪宅。
”联合国会员国之间的特殊联系，只要不针对任何其他国家怀有侵略目的，也不带有任何违背联合国宪章的意图，则不仅无害，而且有益，而且我相信，是不可缺少的。

I spoke earlier of the Temple of Peace. Workmen from all countries must build that temple. If two of the workmen know each other particularly well and are old friends, if their families are inter-mingled, and if they have “faith in each other’s purpose, hope in each other’s future and charity towards each other’s shortcomings”-to quote some good words I read here the other day-why cannot they work together at the common task as friends and partners? Why cannot they share their tools and thus increase each other’s working powers? Indeed they must do so or else the temple may not be built, or, being built, it may collapse, and we shall all be proved again unteachable and have to go and try to learn again for a third time in a school of war, incomparably more rigorous than that from which we have just been released. The dark ages may return, the Stone Age may return on the gleaming wings of science, and what might now shower immeasurable material blessings upon mankind, may even bring about its total destruction. Beware, I say; time may be short. Do not let us take the course of allowing events to drift along until it is too late. If there is to be a fraternal association of the kind I have described, with all the extra strength and security which both our countries can derive from it, let us make sure that that great fact is known to the world, and that it plays its part in steadying and stabilising the foundations of peace. There is the path of wisdom. Prevention is better than cure.

我之前谈到和平殿堂。
所有国家的工人都必须建造这座殿堂。
如果两个工人彼此特别熟悉，是老朋友，如果他们的家人有联系，如果他们“对彼此的目标有信心，对彼此的未来有希望，对彼此的缺点有宽容之心”——引用我前几天在这里读到的一些好话——为什么他们不能作为朋友和伙伴一起完成共同的任务呢？为什么他们不能分享他们的工具，从而提高彼此的工作能力呢？事实上，他们必须这样做，否则这座殿堂可能无法建成，或者在建成后倒塌，我们所有人都将再次被证明无法教导，不得不第3次去战争学校学习，这比我们刚刚摆脱的学校要严格得多。
黑暗时代可能会卷土重来，石器时代可能会乘着科学的翅膀卷土重来，现在可能给人类带来无数物质祝福的东西，甚至可能带来彻底的毁灭。
我要说的是，要当心，时间可能不多了。
不要让我们坐视事态发展，直到为时已晚。
如果要建立我所描述的那种兄弟般的联盟，并让两国从中获得额外的力量和安全，让我们确保这一伟大事实为世界所知，并确保它在稳定和平基础方面发挥其作用。
这是明智的做法。
预防胜于治疗。

A shadow has fallen upon the scenes so lately lighted by the Allied victory. Nobody knows what Soviet Russia and its Communist international organisation intends to do in the immediate future, or what are the limits, if any, to their expansive and proselytising tendencies. I have a strong admiration and regard for the valiant Russian people and for my wartime comrade, Marshal Stalin. There is deep sympathy and goodwill in Britain-and I doubt not here also-towards the peoples of all the Russias and a resolve to persevere through many differences and rebuffs in establishing lasting friendships. We understand the Russian need to be secure on her western frontiers by the removal of all possibility of German aggression. We welcome Russia to her rightful place among the leading nations of the world. We welcome her flag upon the seas. Above all, we welcome constant, frequent and growing contacts between the Russian people and our own people on both sides of the Atlantic. It is my duty however, for I am sure you would wish me to state the facts as I see them to you, to place before you certain facts about the present position in Europe.

盟军胜利刚刚照亮的战场上笼罩着一层阴影。
没有人知道苏维埃俄国及其共产主义国际组织打算在近期做什么，也不知道他们扩张和宣传的倾向会有什么限度。
我非常钦佩和尊敬英勇的俄国人民和我的战时战友斯大林元帅。
英国——我毫不怀疑，英国也一样——对俄国各族人民怀有深切的同情和善意，决心克服许多分歧和挫折，建立持久的友谊。
我们理解俄国需要消除德国侵略的一切可能性，以确保其西部边境的安全。
我们欢迎俄国在世界主要国家中占据应有的地位。
我们欢迎俄国的国旗飘扬在海上。
最重要的是，我们欢迎俄国人民和大西洋两岸的我们人民之间不断、频繁和日益增多的接触。
然而，这是我的职责，因为我相信您希望我向您陈述我所看到的事实，向您介绍有关欧洲当前局势的某些事实。

From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic, an iron curtain has descended across the Continent. Behind that line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe. Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Bucharest and Sofia, all these famous cities and the populations around them lie in what I must call the Soviet sphere, and all are subject in one form or another, not only to Soviet influence but to a very high and, in many cases, increasing measure of control from Moscow. Athens alone-Greece with its immortal glories-is free to decide its future at an election under British, American and French observation. The Russian-dominated Polish Government has been encouraged to make enormous and wrongful inroads upon Germany, and mass expulsions of millions of Germans on a scale grievous and undreamed-of are now taking place. The Communist parties, which were very small in all these Eastern States of Europe, have been raised to pre-eminence and power far beyond their numbers and are seeking everywhere to obtain totalitarian control. Police governments are prevailing in nearly every case, and so far, except in Czechoslovakia, there is no true democracy.

从波罗的海的什切青到亚得里亚海的里雅斯特，一幅横跨整个大陆的铁幕落下。
这条线后面是中欧和东欧所有古老国家的首都。
华沙、柏林、布拉格、维也纳、布达佩斯、贝尔格莱德、布加勒斯特和索非亚，所有这些著名城市及其周围的居民都处于我所说的苏联势力范围内，它们都以某种形式不仅受到苏联的影响，而且在许多情况下受到莫斯科的高度控制，而且这种控制越来越严格。
只有雅典——拥有不朽辉煌的希腊——可以在英国、美国和法国的观察下，通过选举自由决定自己的未来。
受俄罗斯控制的波兰政府受到鼓励，对德国进行了大规模的非法入侵，数百万德国人正在被大规模驱逐，其规模之大令人震惊，令人难以想象。
东欧各国的共产党原本规模很小，如今却已崛起，势力强大，远远超出了其党员人数，并在各地谋求极权统治。
几乎在所有国家，警察政府都占主导地位，到目前为止，除了捷克斯洛伐克，没有真正的民主。

Turkey and Persia are both profoundly alarmed and disturbed at the claims which are being made upon them and at the pressure being exerted by the Moscow Government. An attempt is being made by the Russians in Berlin to build up a quasi-Communist party in their zone of Occupied Germany by showing special favours to groups of left-wing German leaders. At the end of the fighting last June, the American and British Armies withdrew westwards, in accordance with an earlier agreement, to a depth at some points of 150 miles upon a front of nearly four hundred miles, in order to allow our Russian allies to occupy this vast expanse of territory which the Western Democracies had conquered.

土耳其和波斯都对莫斯科政府对他们提出的要求和施加的压力深感不安。
柏林的俄国人试图通过向德国左翼领导人团体表示特殊优待，在他们占领的德国地区建立一个准共产党。
去年 6 月战斗结束时，美国和英国军队根据先前的协议向西撤退，在近四百英里的战线上，有些地方的纵深达到 150 英里，以便我们的俄国盟友占领这片被西方民主国家占领的广阔领土。

If now the Soviet Government tries, by separate action, to build up a pro-Communist Germany in their areas, this will cause new serious difficulties in the British and American zones, and will give the defeated Germans the power of putting themselves up to auction between the Soviets and the Western Democracies. Whatever conclusions may be drawn from these facts-and facts they are-this is certainly not the Liberated Europe we fought to build up. Nor is it one which contains the essentials of permanent peace.

如果现在苏联政府试图通过单独行动，在他们所占领的地区建立一个亲共产主义的德国，这将给英国和美国占领区带来新的严重困难，并将使战败的德国人有权在苏联和西方民主国家之间拍卖自己。
无论从这些事实中得出什么结论——而这些事实确实如此——这肯定不是我们为之奋斗的解放欧洲。
它也不包含永久和平的要素。

The safety of the world requires a new unity in Europe, from which no nation should be permanently outcast. It is from the quarrels of the strong parent races in Europe that the world wars we have witnessed, or which occurred in former times, have sprung. Twice in our own lifetime we have seen the United States, against their wishes and their traditions, against arguments, the force of which it is impossible not to comprehend, drawn by irresistible forces, into these wars in time to secure the victory of the good cause, but only after frightful slaughter and devastation had occurred. Twice the United States has had to send several millions of its young men across the Atlantic to find the war; but now war can find any nation, wherever it may dwell between dusk and dawn. Surely we should work with conscious purpose for a grand pacification of Europe, within the structure of the United Nations and in accordance with its Charter. That I feel is an open cause of policy of very great importance.

世界的安全需要在欧洲建立一个新的统一体，任何国家都不应永远被排斥在外。
我们所目睹的世界大战，或者说以前发生的世界大战，正是源于欧洲强势种族之间的争吵。
在我们的有生之年，我们两次看到美国违背自己的意愿和传统，违背人们不可能不理解的论点，被不可抗拒的力量卷入这些战争，及时取得了正义事业的胜利，但只是在发生了可怕的屠杀和破坏之后。
美国曾两次派遣数百万年轻人横渡大西洋去寻找战争；但现在，战争可以找到任何国家，无论它在黄昏和黎明之间居住在哪里。
当然，我们应该在联合国的架构内，根据《联合国宪章》，有意识地致力于欧洲的大和平。
我认为这是一项非常重要的公开的政策事业。
In front of the iron curtain which lies across Europe are other causes for anxiety. In Italy the Communist Party is seriously hampered by having to Support the Communist-trained Marshal Tito’s claims to former Italian territory at the head of the Adriatic. Nevertheless the future of Italy hangs in the balance. Again one cannot imagine a regenerated Europe without a strong France. All my public life I have worked for a Strong France and I never lost faith in her destiny, even in the darkest hours. I will not lose faith now. However, in a great number of countries, far from the Russian frontiers and throughout the world, Communist fifth columns are established and work in complete unity and absolute obedience to the directions they receive from the Communist centre. Except in the British Commonwealth and in the United States where Communism is in its infancy, the Communist parties or fifth columns constitute a growing challenge and peril to Christian civilisation. These are sombre facts for anyone to have to recite on the morrow of a victory gained by so much splendid comradeship in arms and in the cause of freedom and democracy; but we should be most unwise not to face them squarely while time remains.

在欧洲铁幕的笼罩下，还有其它令人担忧的因素。
在意大利，共产党因不得不支持共产党训练的铁托元帅对亚得里亚海上游前意大利领土的主张而受到严重阻碍。
然而，意大利的未来仍悬而未决。
同样，如果没有强大的法国，就无法想象欧洲的复兴。
我整个公共生涯都在为强大的法国而努力，即使在最黑暗的时刻，我也从未对法国的命运失去信心。
我现在也不会失去信心。
然而，在远离俄罗斯边境和世界各地的许多国家，共产党第5纵队已经建立，他们完全团结一致，绝对服从共产党中央的指示。
除了共产主义尚处于起步阶段的英联邦和美国，共产党或第5纵队对基督教文明构成了日益严重的挑战和危险。
在如此多的光辉战友情谊和自由民主事业所取得的胜利的第2天，任何人都必须背诵这些严峻的事实；但是，如果我们不趁着还有时间的时候正视它们，那将是最不明智的。

The outlook is also anxious in the Far East and especially in Manchuria. The Agreement which was made at Yalta, to which I was a party, was extremely favourable to Soviet Russia, but it was made at a time when no one could say that the German war might not extend all through the summer and autumn of 1945 and when the Japanese war was expected to last for a further 18 months from the end of the German war. In this country you are all so well-informed about the Far East, and such devoted friends of China, that I do not need to expatiate on the situation there.

远东地区，尤其是满洲地区的前景也不容乐观。
雅尔塔协议对苏俄极为有利，我也是该协议的签署方之一，但该协议签署时，没有人敢说德国战争不会持续到 1945 年整个夏秋，而日本战争预计在德国战争结束后还要持续 18 个月。
在这个国家，你们都对远东了如指掌，都是中国的忠实朋友，所以我不需要详细阐述那里的情况。

I have felt bound to portray the shadow which, alike in the west and in the east, falls upon the world. I was a high minister at the time of the Versailles Treaty and a close friend of Mr. Lloyd-George, who was the head of the British delegation at Versailles. I did not myself agree with many things that were done, but I have a very Strong impression in my mind of that situation, and I find it painful to contrast it with that which prevails now. In those days there were high hopes and unbounded confidence that the wars were over, and that the League of Nations would become all-powerful. I do not see or feel that same confidence or even the same hopes in the haggard world at the present time.

我感到有责任描述西方和东方都笼罩在世界上的阴影。
《凡尔赛条约》签署时，我是高级部长，也是英国代表团团长劳合·乔治先生的密友。
我本人并不赞同当时的许多做法，但我对当时的情况印象非常深刻，将它与现在的情况作对比，我感到很难过。
在那些日子里，人们满怀希望，充满信心，相信战争已经结束，国际联盟将变得无所不能。
但在当今这个衰败的世界里，我看不到或感觉不到同样的信心，甚至没有同样的希望。

On the other hand I repulse the idea that a new war is inevitable; still more that it is imminent. It is because I am sure that our fortunes are still in our own hands and that we hold the power to save the future, that I feel the duty to speak out now that I have the occasion and the opportunity to do so. I do not believe that Soviet Russia desires war. What they desire is the fruits of war and the indefinite expansion of their power and doctrines. But what we have to consider here to-day while time remains, is the permanent prevention of war and the establishment of conditions of freedom and democracy as rapidly as possible in all countries. Our difficulties and dangers will not be removed by closing our eyes to them. They will not be removed by mere waiting to see what happens; nor will they be removed by a policy of appeasement. What is needed is a settlement, and the longer this is delayed, the more difficult it will be and the greater our dangers will become.

另一方面，我反对新战争不可避免，更反对战争迫在眉睫的观点。
正是因为我确信我们的命运仍然掌握在我们自己手中，我们拥有拯救未来的力量，所以我感到有责任在现在有机会和时机下站出来发言。
我不认为苏俄想要战争。
他们想要的是战争的果实和无限扩张他们的权力和理论。
但是，趁着还有时间，我们今天必须考虑的是永久防止战争，并尽快在所有国家建立自由和民主的条件。
我们的困难和危险不会因为闭目塞听而消除。
它们不会因为仅仅等待而消除；也不会因为绥靖政策而消除。
我们需要的是和解，拖延的时间越长，解决起来就越困难，我们的危险就越大。

From what I have seen of our Russian friends and Allies during the war, I am convinced that there is nothing they admire so much as strength, and there is nothing for which they have less respect than for weakness, especially military weakness. For that reason the old doctrine of a balance of power is unsound. We cannot afford, if we can help it, to work on narrow margins, offering temptations to a trial of strength. If the Western Democracies stand together in strict adherence to the principles of the United Nations Charter, their influence for furthering those principles will be immense and no one is likely to molest them. If however they become divided or falter in their duty and if these all-important years are allowed to slip away then indeed catastrophe may overwhelm us all.

从我在战争期间对我们俄罗斯朋友和盟国的观察来看，我确信，他们最钦佩的就是力量，最不尊重的就是软弱，尤其是军事上的软弱。
因此，旧的权力平衡理论是不健全的。
如果我们能避免的话，我们就不能在狭小的范围内工作，因为这样做会给双方带来力量的较量。
如果西方民主国家团结一致，严格遵守《联合国宪章》的原则，它们对促进这些原则的影响将是巨大的，没有人会干扰它们。
然而，如果他们出现分裂或不履行职责，如果这些至关重要的岁月被放任不管，那么灾难可能会压倒我们所有人。

Last time I saw it all coming and cried aloud to my own fellow-countrymen and to the world, but no one paid any attention. Up till the year 1933 or even 1935, Germany might have been saved from the awful fate which has overtaken her and we might all have been spared the miseries Hitler let loose upon mankind. There never was a war in all history easier to prevent by timely action than the one which has just desolated such great areas of the globe. It could have been prevented in my belief without the firing of a single shot, and Germany might be powerful, prosperous and honoured to-day; but no one would listen and one by one we were all sucked into the awful whirlpool. We surely must not let that happen again. This can only be achieved by reaching now, in 1946, a good understanding on all points with Russia under the general authority of the United Nations Organisation and by the maintenance of that good understanding through many peaceful years, by the world instrument, supported by the whole strength of the English-speaking world and all its connections. There is the solution which I respectfully offer to you in this Address to which I have given the title “The Sinews of Peace.”

上次我看到这一切即将发生，并向我的同胞和全世界大声疾呼，但没有人理会。
直到 1933 年甚至 1935 年，德国才有可能避免可怕的命运，我们才有可能免受希特勒给人类带来的苦难。
历史上从来没有哪场战争比这场刚刚摧毁了地球如此广大地区的战争更容易通过及时行动来阻止。
我相信，这场战争本可以在不开一枪的情况下被阻止，而德国今天可能强大、繁荣和受人尊敬；但没有人听从，我们一个接一个地被卷入可怕的漩涡。
我们一定不能让这种情况再次发生。
只有现在，即 1946 年，在联合国组织的普遍授权下与俄罗斯就所有问题达成良好谅解，并通过这一世界工具在英语世界及其所有关系的全力支持下，在许多和平年代维持这种良好谅解，才能实现这一目标。
这就是我在此致辞中恭敬地向你们提出的解决方案，我将之命名为“和平的筋骨”。

Let no man underrate the abiding power of the British Empire and Commonwealth. Because you see the 46 millions in our island harassed about their food supply, of which they only grow one half, even in war-time, or because we have difficulty in restarting our industries and export trade after six years of passionate war effort, do not suppose that we shall not come through these dark years of privation as we have come through the glorious years of agony, or that half a century from now, you will not see 70 or 80 millions of Britons spread about the world and united in defence of our traditions, our way of life, and of the world causes which you and we espouse. If the population of the English-speaking Commonwealths be added to that of the United States with all that such co-operation implies in the air, on the sea, all over the globe and in science and in industry, and in moral force, there will be no quivering, precarious balance of power to offer its temptation to ambition or adventure. On the contrary, there will be an overwhelming assurance of security. If we adhere faithfully to the Charter of the United Nations and walk forward in sedate and sober strength seeking no one’s land or treasure, seeking to lay no arbitrary control upon the thoughts of men; if all British moral and material forces and convictions are joined with your own in fraternal association, the high-roads of the future will be clear, not only for us but for all, not only for our time, but for a century to come.

任何人都不能低估大英帝国和英联邦的持久力量。
你们看到我们岛上 4600 万人为粮食供应而苦恼，即使在战争时期，他们也只能种植一半的粮食，或者我们在经历了六年的激烈战争努力后难以重启我们的工业和出口贸易，但你们不要以为我们无法度过这些黑暗的贫困岁月，就像我们度过了光荣的痛苦岁月一样，也不要以为半个世纪后，你们不会看到 7000 万或 8000 万英国人遍布世界各地，团结起来捍卫我们的传统、我们的生活方式以及你们和我们所支持的世界事业。
如果英语联邦的人口加上美国人口，再加上这种合作所意味着的空中、海上、全球、科学、工业和道德力量，就不会有颤抖不稳的权力平衡来诱惑野心或冒险。
相反，我们将获得压倒性安全保障。
如果我们忠实遵守《联合国宪章》，以沉稳、冷静的力量向前迈进，不寻求任何人的土地或财富，不寻求对人们的思想进行任意控制；如果英国的所有道德和物质力量和信念都与你们的团结一致，那么未来的大道将会畅通无阻，不仅对我们，而且对所有人，不仅对我们这个时代，而且对未来一个世纪。

【注】
这次演讲可以视为丘吉尔担任反对党领袖（1945-1951）期间发表的最重要的演讲。
它包含了一些短语——“特殊关系”、“和平的支柱”——这些短语立刻被广泛使用，并一直流传至今。
但正是关于“铁幕”的段落立即引起了国际社会的关注，并对美国和西欧的舆论产生了不可估量的影响。
俄罗斯历史学家将冷战的开始追溯到这次演讲。
从它的措辞、从它将几个主题巧妙地结合在一起并达到激动人心的高潮来看，这次演讲可以被视为技术经典。
——罗伯特·罗兹·詹姆斯